“But I’m afraid some of these governmental levels, it looks like they see it through either blue or red lenses, and they’re giving it the response they think is appropriate for a time that’s drawing close to an election.”
Blaze News reached out to the Pentagon for comment but did not receive a reply by press time.
On Oct. 17, Blaze News asked the public affairs officer for the Army XVIII Airborne Corps why the authorized North Carolina strength was 1,500 for the hurricane and not 15,000.
“It’s a great question,” said Maj. Aimee J. Valles. “We at the 18th Airborne Corps, we’re not policymakers. We’re not the decision-makers for that. We allow the folks who make those decisions to make that call, right? So I’d have to refer you to the DOD. They’re absolutely the ones cutting the orders, and also the governor. So the governor made a request for the amount of troops that he needed, and so I’d refer you to him as well.”
The Department of Defense should send combat engineering brigades from the National Guard to rebuild roads and bridges, set up temporary water pipelines, and install power grids, Wardynski said.
Wardynski said the Army could quickly send the 111th Engineer Brigade of the West Virginia National Guard, the 117th Engineer Brigade of the South Carolina National Guard, and the 194th Engineer Brigade of the Tennessee National Guard. There are eight such brigades in the National Guard, he said.
“They bring a ton of that equipment to bear to clear debris, put in roadways, put in pipelines, help prepare the way to bring in power, and restore services on the battlefield,” he said. “These are the guys that built the Burma Road into China from Burma through the mountains. They can do anything if you give them a chance.”
Combat engineer brigades would bring in large construction equipment for debris removal, road construction, bridge repair, and more.
“These National Guard units are handy in these kind of gap-filling moments,” he said. “They bring their own maintenance, they bring their own fuel, they bring their own medicine, they bring their own communications, they bring their own everything. And most [private] contractors aren’t set up to operate with no communication, no fuel, no maintenance, no logistics.
“They run dozers, Caterpillars, excavators, and they put in roads and all this kind of stuff for the Army,” Wardynski said. “This should have been happening now, and we shouldn’t still be looking at logistics by helicopter. The helicopters are great for quick relief, but you can’t restore power and you can’t restore water and you can’t restore fuel very reliably with Chinooks and Black Hawks. It’s a stop gap.”
Tent cities could house large numbers of displaced residents until more permanent housing can quickly be built, Wardynski said.
“These people with no homes, I mean, these kinds of things are not long-term solutions, but they’re better than living out in the open or some pup tents you might’ve had that survived this disaster,” he said. “A month in, this doesn’t seem reasonable any more.”
Wardynski said under the federal Stafford Act, the U.S. military has a significant role to play in disaster response, and it does not require taking away from preparedness to fight war if called upon.
“The Stafford Act federal law provides for federal aid to state and local government a case of a disaster,” he said. “It talks about cost-sharing. States are supposed to pay about 25% of the money. The federal government is expected to bring somewhere around 75% of money.
“That money comes through FEMA and through expenditures for things like engineer brigades that are mobilized, National Guard brigades that are brought up to scratch to respond to disasters, Reserve units that are brought up to scratch to respond to disasters.
“In the Trump years we moved heaven and earth to help in Puerto Rico. When there was a disaster there, terrific resources were expended,” he said. “Typically these resources are available, and they don’t cause you to stop doing something else to begin doing disaster relief.”
The Army Corps of Engineers has the ability to set up a power grid to serve tens of thousands of homes, Wardynski said.
“Their prime power capability is truck-mounted, can bring in 72,000 homes’ worth of electricity on very quick notice. And they’ve done it before,” he said. “They did it when Trump was president in Puerto Rico. They even did it in the Maui fires. Where are they? Why are these people running off of Honda generators and fuel delivered by helicopters?”
Wardynski said the position that used to support him at the Pentagon coordinating military resources for disaster relief was eliminated by the Biden administration.
“The Biden bunch apparently didn’t see this as a priority. So that capability at the policymaking level … that job doesn’t exist and those people don’t exist, even though had they had existed through decades before.”
The military could help state and local governments by setting up temporary post offices and voting locations so that no one misses a chance to vote in the Nov. 5 election.
“There are resources that people in FEMA and the Army Guard and at the Department of the Army know about,” Wardynski said, “that could be put in place lickety-split to fly in on a helicopter, open a post office for a certain number of hours a day in these disaster areas, and collect absentee ballots and provide a way for people to communicate with loved ones and get a check and do banking and all the things you need to do.”
Wardynski said the feedback he has gotten from those on the ground in Western North Carolina leaves him with the feeling that politics continues to drive the lack of urgency to storm response.
“The resources that are coming in, flowing in, are still mostly private,” he said. “And then you’ve got state-level leaders bragging about a paltry response.”
Wardynski said it’s “inexcusable” that the post-Helene response is still in emergency mode.
“Roads and power and fuel and the necessities of living should be rolling in there,” he said. “And it doesn’t sound like they are. We’re still at the NGO [non-governmental organization], private-citizen level of response, and it doesn’t sound like they’re getting a hell of a lot of help from the Stafford Act, federal and state level actors either.”